Created by Street Sense Media as part of the Homeless Crisis Reporting Project
Homelessness, McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, Point-in-Time (PIT) Count, Housing First, Continuum of Care (CoC), U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness (USICH), Median Family Income (MFI)/Area Median Income (AMI)
Section Two: Roads to Homelessness
Section Three: Sheltered and unsheltered homelessness
Encampments, Shelter, Day Center, Transitional Housing
Section Four: Case management and the housing process
Case Management, Service Prioritization Decision Assistance Tool (SPDAT), Homeless Management Information System (HMIS), Rapid Rehousing (RRH), Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) Vouchers
Section Five: Vouchers and public housing
Public Housing, Housing Choice Voucher Program (HCVP), Housing Voucher Rents, Fair Market Rent (FMR), Source of income discrimination
Social Safety Net/Welfare, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Supplemental Security Income and Social Security Disability Insurance
Section One: Key terms
Homelessness
The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) defines someone experiencing homelessness as someone who “lacks a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence” and primarily sleeps in a homeless shelter or “a public or private place not meant for human habitation.” This includes people who sleep in parks, tents, cars, abandoned buildings, and bus stations.
People who fit these criteria are “literally homeless,” putting them in HUD’s “Homeless Category 1.” Literal homelessness looks different for everyone, but it is a requirement for many homeless assistance programs.
Not everyone who identifies as homeless or doesn’t have a safe place to sleep fits the criteria of “literally homeless.” Some people stay with friends or family for an extended period without having their names on the lease while seeking help from the homeless services system. This phenomenon is called doubled-up homelessness, but is not included under the definition of “literal homelessness.” People experiencing doubled-up homelessness may be left out of data about homelessness, including the Point-in-Time Count.
HUD also identifies three categories of people who may not be experiencing “literal homelessness” but are housing insecure, or otherwise need help from the homeless services system
“Category 2: Imminent Risk of Homelessness” includes individuals or families who will lose their home within two weeks and do not have a place to move to or the resources to secure one, such as families facing eviction.
“Category 3: Homeless Under Other Federal Statutes” includes families and unaccompanied youth under 25 who are not “literally homeless” under the HUD definition but may be considered homeless based on definitions other federal assistance programs use. Families can also fit this category if they did not have a lease in the 60 days before applying for help from homeless services or if they moved two or more times during the past 60 days.
“Category 4: Fleeing/Attempting to Flee Domestic Violence” includes people who are leaving domestic violence, have no safe residence, and lack the resources to move into their own place.
A note on language: Everyone experiences homelessness and housing instability differently. When possible, it’s helpful to write about someone’s situation precisely, rather than using the general label of “homeless.”
Additional resources: Definitions of homelessness – HUD
McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act
Originally passed in 1987, the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act was the first federal legislation passed to address homelessness. It established funding for an array of assistance programs including transitional and permanent housing, health care, and food assistance for people experiencing homelessness. It also created the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness.
The legislation has been amended and restructured several times. Today, it’s most often referenced for its education provisions, which require state education agencies to ensure every child experiencing homelessness has equal access to public education. The act provides states with funding, guarantees free travel for students to and from school, and generally aims to reduce educational barriers children experiencing homelessness face.
Other programs included in the original McKinney-Vento legislation were amended through The Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to Housing Act (HEARTH Act) in 2009. The reauthorization of McKinney-Vento in the HEARTH Act currently funds the two federal programs essential to homeless services: the Emergency Solutions Grant Program and the Continuum of Care Program.
Additional resources: McKinney-Vento resources – National Center for Homeless Education
Point-in-Time (PIT) Count
The Point-in-Time (PIT) Count is an annual census of people experiencing homelessness. Mandated by the federal government and administered by localities and cities, the PIT Count aims to determine how many people are experiencing homelessness on a given night in a certain area. The count is held nationwide for one night in January. Local governments use PIT data to assess funding needs and progress toward ending homelessness.
Jurisdictions have some discretion over how they conduct the PIT, but it usually includes sending out volunteers to speak to each person sleeping outside. Shelter and transitional housing programs also conduct a census of all residents. In addition to counting the number of individuals, surveyors collect demographic information.
The PIT Count is widely understood to be an undercount. While the survey counts people who meet the HUD definition of “literal homelessness,” it excludes people who may have a different experience with homelessness, like people who are couch surfing or staying with friends or family members. Surveyors may also miss people who sleep in their cars or other hard-to-find spots.
A note on using the PIT: To the extent they’re accurate, numbers from the PIT should be understood as representing the demands on a locality’s homelessness services system on one night, not across the year. Jurisdictions may serve far more people experiencing homelessness over a year than they count on a single night.
Additional resources: PIT guidelines and past results – HUD
Housing First
Housing First, a popular approach to ending homelessness, prioritizes moving people into permanent housing as quickly as possible. This is counter to more traditional approaches to ending homelessness that have housing or program prerequisites, like employment or sobriety.
Housing First is predicated on the notion that everyone is “ready” for housing, and housing makes it easier to access employment, health care, and other services that can prevent homelessness long term. Supporters advocate moving people off the street into apartments or homes immediately, without first requiring them to go into shelters or transitional housing.
Many housing programs can follow the Housing First model, but it’s most often associated with Permanent Supportive Housing and Rapid Rehousing. While Housing First programs have few to no requirements for someone to be housing-ready, they may still be targeted at specific populations, such as people who have been homeless for over a year.
Additional resources: Housing First: A Review of the Evidence – HUD
Continuum of Care (CoC)
The Continuum of Care (CoC) is the administrative body that coordinates homeless services in a specific U.S. jurisdiction, usually a city, county, or portion of a state. The CoC generally includes housing providers, homeless service organizations, victim service providers, governments, businesses, advocates, public housing agencies, school districts, social service providers, mental health agencies, hospitals, housing developers, and people with lived experience of homelessness. Each CoC is managed by one organization known as the “Collaborative Applicant” because it applies for federal funding for the entire CoC.
The CoC is responsible for the administration of the local Coordinated Entry and Homeless Management Information Systems, which means it prioritizes people across the area for housing programs. Other city and statewide programs, such as homeless shelters and emergency response, may also be coordinated through the CoC.
Large cities and populous counties or regions will often have a CoC. Many states also have one statewide CoC called the “Balance of State” which works with rural and non-metro counties that don’t have their own CoC.
A note on language: This use of the term “Continuum of Care” is different from when it is used in the context of medical treatments.
Additional resources: CoC: Continuum of Care Program – HUD
U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness (USICH)
The U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness (USICH) is a federal agency that works with 19 other federal agencies and the private sector to develop a response to homelessness in the country. The ICH publishes a strategic plan to end homelessness and provides policy guidance on topics such as addressing encampments, health care for people experiencing homelessness, and available federal resources.
The agency officially believes housing is a human right and advocates for the Housing First model. It also supports the decriminalization of homelessness and advocates to center people who have experienced homelessness in policy-making.
Locally, about half of U.S. states and territories have their own ICHs to coordinate statewide approaches to homelessness.
Additional resources: All In: The Federal Strategic Plan to End Homelessness – USICH, States with local Interagency Councils on Homelessness – USICH
Median Family Income (MFI)/Area Median Income (AMI)
Median Family Income (MFI), also called Area Median Income (AMI), is a measurement of a family or individual’s income relative to their community. It is commonly used to determine who is eligible for housing assistance and social service programs. The two terms generally mean the same thing, though the government is more likely to use MFI and the real estate industry is more likely to use AMI.
The MFI/AMI (also called the Median Household Income) is the exact midpoint of all incomes within a population, so that 50% of households make more than the MFI and 50% make less than the MFI. HUD calculates the MFI annually for all metropolitan areas and non-metropolitan counties. MFIs are calculated for families of one to eight people.
HUD uses the past five years of local MFIs to set income limits for housing programs based on what percent of the MFI a family makes. Generally, a family making 80% or less of the area MFI is considered low income, and a family making 50% or less is very low income, though there are exceptions. A third category, extremely low income, is defined as making either less than 30% of MFI or making less than the poverty guideline, whichever income is higher in the area.
Each category qualifies families for different programs and levels of support. The categories are also used to measure housing affordability, and some government-subsidized developments are required to build a certain number of units deemed as “affordable” for families at certain percentages of the MFI.
Additional resources: Income Limits calculator – HUD
Section Two: Roads to homelessness
Diversion
In diversion, a service provider or social worker addresses the needs of a person who has lost their housing to determine if there are any immediate solutions. It is meant to help a person find temporary or permanent housing that is not a shelter or a form of unsheltered homelessness, since both staying in shelters and outside can be unsafe, harmful, and traumatic.
Diversion services are often offered to people when they first contact the homeless services system or go to a shelter. Through diversion, a person might receive help to pay overdue rent and move back into housing, move in with family, relocate, or find other options for permanent housing.
A note on language: This use of the term “diversion” is different from when it is used to describe programs intended to prevent long-term incarceration in the U.S. criminal justice system.
Additional resources: Know Your Rights – Diversion – Coalition for the Homeless
Eviction
During an eviction, landlords remove a tenant from their home or apartment. In the United States, the eviction process happens according to different state laws, local laws, federal laws, leases, and court rules.
Generally, landlords are responsible for giving their tenants eviction notices. If the tenant cannot fix the issue (such as by paying past-due rent), they will be served with a summons to appear in civil court, where they rarely have the right to legal representation. If the tenant loses the case, law enforcement will give them a final notice to vacate.
Because there are multiple steps to an eviction process, some evictions can happen “informally.” For instance, landlords often threaten eviction before actually serving a notice or filing a case. Some tenants then preemptively move out, unaware they can fix the violation, fight the eviction in court, or find help to pay past-due rent.
In the U.S., Black and Latino/a renters, families with children, and individuals who live in low-income neighborhoods are statistically more likely to face eviction.
Additional resources: Eviction Lab
Section Three: Sheltered and unsheltered homelessness
Encampments
An encampment is a tent or group of tents or other temporary structures people live in, usually located in a park, on a sidewalk, or in another public place. Encampments are the most visible form of unsheltered homelessness, which also includes individuals sleeping in doorways, under awnings, and in other makeshift areas.
Because of encampments’ visibility, governments often target them, either to provide services and connect residents to housing or to remove the encampment. Encampment residents widely oppose encampment closures, arguing they don’t have an easy way to move their belongings to another place.
Some added context: While some people may see living in an encampment as a choice, encampment residents commonly say a lack of space or distrust in shelters forces them outside. Some people have had traumatic experiences in shelters and don’t want to return. Shelter rules can dissuade people from going inside, especially those who have pets, want to stay with a partner of another gender, or have possessions they can’t transport. Shelters also have limited hours, which can make it hard for people with jobs or other obligations to maintain a bed.
Debates over encampments can take different shapes in each locality, but common concerns include cleanliness, whether encampment residents have access to public restrooms and trash cans, the effect on nearby businesses, safety, drug use, and weather, which can pose a danger to those sleeping outside. Homeless service providers often argue closing encampments decreases trust in city services and makes it harder for case managers to stay in contact with clients.
Shelter/Low-Barrier Shelter
Shelters offer temporary overnight beds to people experiencing homelessness. Shelters can be run by nonprofit organizations, the government, faith-based organizations, or some combination of the three.
Some shelters have strict entrance requirements and mandate some combination of criminal background checks, program participation, sobriety, and identification checks. Shelters with these requirements are also called high-barrier shelters, or dry shelters, if they require sobriety.
In low-barrier shelters, also known as low-threshold shelters, the requirements for entry are less strict — for instance, a high-barrier shelter could require residents to participate in daily ministry programs and take a breathalyzer test when entering, but a low-barrier shelter would not.
Both types of shelters generally offer beds on a first-come, first-served basis, and are sometimes only open overnight, meaning residents have to leave during the day. In some shelters, residents are allowed to reserve a bed after their first night for a certain period. Shelters may also have some higher-barrier beds reserved for people with medical conditions, called respite beds, or other specialized beds.
Shelters are normally separated by population, with designated buildings or areas for families, women, men, and youth. Tens or even hundreds of people may sleep in the same room.
Day Center
A day center, also known as a drop-in center, offers a safe place for individuals experiencing homelessness to spend the day and take care of their everyday needs. Services may include meals, hygiene items, emergency clothing, laundry, restrooms, computers, medical resources, harm reduction resources, personal protective equipment, and case management. Centers are typically open during the day on weekdays and sometimes over the weekend.
Transitional Housing
Transitional housing is a temporary housing arrangement that provides individuals or families experiencing homelessness with a stable living environment and supportive services as they work toward securing permanent housing. It is an intermediate step between emergency shelters and long-term, independent housing.
Transitional housing programs may offer residents private or shared living units, similar to dorm or apartment-style living, rather than the communal sleeping arrangements often found in emergency shelters. The duration of a stay in transitional housing can vary depending on the program and an individual’s needs, but it is generally limited to a specific period, ranging from a few months to a couple of years.
The key characteristic of transitional housing is the provision of supportive services to help residents move into permanent housing. These services are tailored to address the needs of individuals or families experiencing homelessness and can include case management, counseling, life skills training, employment assistance, education programs, substance abuse counseling, and mental health support.
Section Four: Case management and the housing process
Case Management
Most people in the homeless services system receive some form of case management. Broadly, case management is a process that helps people experiencing homelessness or who have recently moved into housing receive support to meet their needs. Case management can involve helping a person secure housing, employment, education, mental and physical health resources, or other forms of help. Case management is mandatory for some governmental and rehabilitation programs.
Different agencies and programs may use different case management models, including standard case management (SCM), intensive case management (ICM), clinical case management (CCM), assertive community treatment (ACT), and critical time intervention (CTI).
A note on language: Depending on the context in which this term is being used, the exact definition can vary. In a health care setting, a case manager will have different responsibilities than a case manager working at a shelter serving individuals experiencing homelessness or a case manager working at a child protective services agency.
Service Prioritization Decision Assistance Tool (SPDAT)
The Service Prioritization Decision Assistance Tool (SPDAT) is widely used by outreach workers to gather information about people experiencing homelessness and determine who needs the most urgent assistance. In many cases, some form of SPDAT is needed to enter a housing program. People are also prioritized for permanent housing, at least partially, based on SPDAT scores.
There are multiple variations of the SPDAT, depending on who is being assessed. This includes versions geared towards families (F-SPDAT) and youth (Y-SPDAT). The SPDAT contains 15 sections — or 20 for the family-centered version — that are divided into four categories: wellness, risks, socialization and daily functioning, and housing and homelessness history.
The Vulnerability Index – Service Prioritization Decision Assistance Tool (VI-SPDAT) is a brief, self-reported survey that allows organizations with limited resources to prioritize who is given a full SPDAT assessment.
Some added context: The SPDAT has been criticized by program participants and leaders alike for its rigid methodology, which some say is not only unreliable but reinforces racial inequalities.
Homeless Management Information System (HMIS)
The Homeless Management Information System (HMIS) is a centralized online system homeless service providers use to gather and store information on the demographics and service needs of people experiencing homelessness.
An area’s Continuum of Care selects and maintains the HMIS software that best fits its needs, but all software must conform to standards set by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD).
The system contains information — including age, gender, racial and ethnic background, veteran status, and household composition — that is recorded when a person uses a service in the homeless services system. It also tracks people’s interactions with the system, identifying service providers they use regularly or housing programs they are eligible for.
Additional resources: Homeless Management Information System Fact Sheet – HUD
Rapid Rehousing (RRH)
Rapid Rehousing (RRH) is a time-limited housing subsidy an individual or family experiencing homelessness can use to obtain housing quickly. The goal is to help people move in, increase self-sufficiency while receiving the subsidy, and remain housed long-term.
The subsidy comes with a situation-specific package of services, addressing challenges families or individuals face in obtaining a permanent residence. This can include helping participants obtain employment and increase their income.
Some added context: In some localities, people are not able to afford housing once the subsidy ends, and they cycle back into homelessness.
Additional resources: Rapid Rehousing brief – HUD, Barriers to successful long-term outcomes – Housing Policy Debate
Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) Vouchers
Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) vouchers are one of the most popular ways localities try to address chronic homelessness. Funded for an individual’s lifetime, the vouchers pay for recipients to live in an apartment and receive supportive services. The vouchers are provided through the local Continuum of Care to people with disabling physical or mental conditions who have experienced homelessness for over a year or multiple times throughout three years.
Participants pay up to 30% of their income towards rent. Both local and federal programs fund PSH. Some areas have piloted a version of the program with even more support and services, called PSH+.
Section Five: Vouchers and public housing
Public Housing
Public housing refers to rental units that are owned and subsidized by the government and rented to low-income people at a low cost. These units can be scattered across a city or county, but are often concentrated in apartment buildings. Both units and buildings may be reserved for families, the elderly, or people with disabilities.
Between 1.5 and two million Americans live in public housing. Their homes are managed by more than 3,000 public housing authorities nationally, and are partially funded by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Income limits vary, but a resident typically must be low-income or very low-income to qualify for public housing. Residents normally pay no more than 30% of their monthly income on rent.
Some added context: Residents sometimes see public housing complexes as unsafe or inconveniently located, especially when concentrated in the poorest areas of a city. Units can be in poor condition due to aging buildings and limited funding for repairs. Plus, cities have a limited number of units. If they are full, potential applicants must wait until one opens up — sometimes for decades.
Additional resources: Public Housing Dashboard – HUD
Housing Choice Voucher Program (HCVP)
The Housing Choice Voucher Program (HCVP), also called Section 8, is a federal program that provides housing assistance to low-income residents. While the program is managed by public housing authorities, it differs from public housing. Participants use HCVP subsidies to rent from private landlords across the city, rather than from the government.
Families can choose their own units within a set price range and generally pay about 30% of their income toward rent. Recipients can keep their vouchers for as long as they remain eligible. Eligibility is based on income limits for the recipient’s jurisdiction.
The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development funds a limited number of vouchers, which means some areas only have vouchers available when a voucher holder passes away or no longer qualifies for the program. Local housing authorities keep waiting lists of people interested in receiving a voucher.
The HCVP program is different from vouchers specifically for people experiencing homelessness, like Permanent Supportive Housing vouchers. However, program rules are often similar, and people exiting homelessness may receive an HCVP voucher.
Housing Voucher Rents
Local housing authorities must set a maximum value for each voucher they distribute across housing voucher programs. Generally, housing authorities try to ensure the value is high enough that participants can afford to live in many areas of the city or jurisdiction, but not high enough to raise rent prices for non-voucher holders.
For U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development-funded vouchers, localities set a maximum rent through three steps.
First, there is the payment standard, which is the maximum a voucher can be worth anywhere in the specified jurisdiction. The payment standard is based on an area’s Fair Market Rent (FMR). Generally, the payment standard has to be between 90 and 110% of the FMR. Sometimes, housing authorities can make vouchers worth much more than the FMR if rent in the area is especially high.
Localities can then further account for differences in rent costs by setting higher maximum rents for more expensive areas of the city or county. For instance, the housing authority may agree to pay up to 110% FMR in the most expensive parts of town, but 100% everywhere else.
Finally, when a voucher holder finds an apartment, the housing authority must evaluate its rent. The authority checks to see if the rent is “reasonable” by comparing it to the rents of similar apartments nearby in a process called “rent reasonableness.” Voucher holders can only move into units that pass these checks.
Fair Market Rent (FMR)
Fair Market Rent (FMR) measures the monthly rent tenants pay in a given geographical area. It’s calculated by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and used to determine how much rent vouchers and other forms of housing assistance will cover in that area.
For a given city, county, or metropolitan area, HUD defines the FMR as the 40th percentile of gross rent among “typical, non-substandard” units occupied by recent movers. This means the FMR is slightly below the median rent for new tenants.
The agency then uses certain percentages of that FMR to determine how much the government will pay for Housing Choice Vouchers and other programs.
HUD also calculates Small Area Fair Market Rent (SAFMR) for some metropolitan areas. These measures operate similarly to a normal FMR but within a specific zip code, rather than a whole county. This can help housing authorities determine a more precise figure, since rents can vary within metropolitan areas. Cities and counties can generally choose whether to use FMR or SAFMR when calculating their voucher rents, though some areas are mandated to use SAFMR.
Additional resources: FMR calculator – HUD
Source of income discrimination
Source of income discrimination occurs when landlords, owners, and real estate brokers refuse to rent to a potential or current tenant because of their source of income, in this case, a voucher or other housing subsidy. This discrimination is banned in about one-third of U.S. states and D.C. When this discrimination is banned, landlords and brokers cannot publish advertisements indicating a preference for non-voucher holders. In states where source of income discrimination is not outlawed, landlords may use it as a proxy for other forms of discrimination that are illegal, such as turning away lower-income people and people of color.
Additional resources: Source of Income protections by state – HUD
Section Six: Social supports
Social Safety Net/Welfare
The social safety net, also known as welfare, comprises a range of government policies and programs providing financial assistance and other support to families and individuals in need. These benefits help tens of millions of Americans every year by offering assistance at local, tribal, state, and federal levels. One of the main federal programs, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), consists of a monthly payment to help pay for food, housing, utilities, child care, or job training.
Welfare is considered a “social safety net” because it is designed to protect people from the harmful effects of job loss, disability, work injury or other challenges. Programs also target children living through hardships such as extreme poverty. Eligibility for these programs and benefits are based on multiple factors, including employment, family size, and income level. In addition to TANF, many programs fall under the broad category of the social safety net, including Unemployment Insurance, Medicaid, and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP).
Additional resources: What is TANF, find out if you qualify, and apply – USA.gov, Who Is Receiving Social Safety Net Benefits? – U.S. Census Bureau
Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP)
The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) provides nutrition benefits to low-income families to make healthy food more affordable. The program was formerly known as “Food Stamps,” but in 2004 switched from distributing benefits via paper stamps to Electronic Benefit Transfer (EBT) cards, which work like debit cards.
Benefits are calculated on a sliding scale based on income and family size. For instance, a household of two could receive between $23 and $535 each month, depending on income.
Individuals apply for SNAP through their state. Benefits are automatically loaded onto their EBT cards each month. The program is administered by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Food and Nutrition Service (FNS) through its nationwide network of FNS field offices. Local FNS field offices are responsible for the licensing and monitoring of retail food stores participating in SNAP.
Households cannot use SNAP benefits to buy certain items like alcohol, tobacco, hot food, vitamins, medications or cleaning and hygiene products.
Additional resources: SNAP Eligibility – USDA
Supplemental Security Income and Social Security Disability Insurance
Supplemental Security Income (SSI) and Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) are federal programs that provide financial assistance to help individuals with disabilities and senior citizens meet their basic needs. Both programs are run through the Social Security Administration and have the same medical requirements, but their eligibility criteria and benefits are different.
SSI provides monthly benefits to around 7.5 million people who have limited income and are either 65 or older or have a disability. The average monthly payment is $622, though states can add additional benefits, and individuals who earn an income will receive less.
SSDI provides benefits to over 8.9 million people who are disabled and have a qualifying employment history, which means they are “insured,” through themselves or a family member. The average monthly benefit is $1,483.
Additional resources: The differences between SSI and SSDI – National Council on Aging
This glossary is a work in progress! If you have follow-up questions about these definitions, other terms you’d like to see added, or different interpretations of anything we’ve included here, please email [email protected].
This project was written and edited by current and past Street Sense Media staff. Special thanks to former editor-in-chief Will Schick for the idea and current editor-in-chief Annemarie Cuccia for leading the reporting, writing, and editing of the glossary.
The PDF version of the glossary was designed by Bruna Costa with support from Eric Falquero.
Special thanks to past interns Cole Kindiger, Gabriela Ferriera Reitz, Hannah Loder, Jessica Rich, and Sophia Thomas for contributing definitions and to deputy editor Donte Kirby, former deputy editor Kaela Roeder, and volunteer editors Abigail Chang, Andrew Chow, Annabella Hoge, Anne Eigeman, August Ditcher, Chelsea Ciruzzo, Dan Goff, Jack Walker, Josh Axelrod, and Ryan Bacic for all your help editing and fact-checking.
